Madura of Java
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[edit] Madurese East Java Indonesia Sociological and Cultural Context
At least seven features of Madurese culture and society have major bearing on ministry to them.
[edit] Ethnic Background and Population
In the past, many anthropologists who simply considered the Madurese part of the Javanese ethnic group (Jordaan 1985, 8) have overlooked the Madurese. No one denies that the Javanese (by far Indonesia's largest ethnic group) are the nearest relatives of the Madurese and that the two groups undoubtedly come from common ancestors. However, together with the Javanese, the Chinese, Arabs, and Balinese provide the ethnic origins for today's Madurese. Yet, they have long since developed their own separate history and homogeneous ethnic identity (Buklet Pertiwi 1987, 4). In my fieldwork I have never met a Javanese who would admit to the Madurese being a part of his ethnic group.
Although the Javanese influence on the language and culture is obvious, one should not dismiss the huge Arab influence on the Madurese. Indeed, a large number of Madurese of Arab descent from Hadramauth (South Yemen) are counted among them (de Jonge 1989, 28). Their influence has been much greater than their numbers, causing the Madurese to almost fully baptize their self-identity with Islam, and to love nearly everything Arab.
Authorities estimate that in 1980 the number of Madurese living off of Madura island was equal to twice the population of the island itself (de Jonge 1989, 23; Mansurnoor 1990, xi). In 1993 Johnstone estimated their population to be 12.5 million (Johnston 1993, 292). The best current estimates put total Madurese population at somewhere between 13-14.5 million. To put things into perspective, this is an ethnic group similar in size to the population of the state of Florida, similar to that of Holland, or 75 percent the size of Australia.
With two-thirds of the Madurese living off their homeland island, their geographic range is obviously much larger than Madura itself. The largest concentration of urban Madurese lives in Surabaya and Gresik. The population of these neighboring cities is over three million, and probably one-third are Madurese (East Java Statistics Office 1990, 21; de Jonge 1989, 23). Based on extensive investigation in the eastern extremity of Java, I have concluded that most villages and towns east of a North-South line running through Surabaya and Malang are predominately Madurese (see figure 2). To the north and east of Madura they inhabit far-strung islands as far as "Sapudi, Raas, Gua-Gua, Kangean, Sapekan and Sapanjang . . . Masalembu, Masakambing and Keramian included" (de Jonge 1989, 5). Bawean has not been under administrative control of Madura, but the majority of the people there are Madurese (de Jonge 1989, 5). Being one of Indonesia's great sea-faring peoples, they have also established ethnic ghettos in every major port and city throughout the archipelago. Great numbers have become migrant workers in Singapore and Malaysia.
Figure 2. Map of Madura in Indonesia and Madurese areas in East Java. (Jordaan 1985, xv)
[edit] Leadership and Authority
Although in the past the Madurese may have viewed their king as the ultimate authority, there can be little question that since the demise of the sultanate in the early 1900s, mystical Muslim kiai leaders have fully usurped their roles, becoming "virtual potentates" (Jordaan 1985, 39; Mansurnoor 1995, 45-46). As the sultans and the aristocracy became puppets of the Dutch colonial government, the people increasingly despised them and looked more to their local religious leaders for direction (Santoso 1980, 34, 45). Currently, if anyone dares to introduce a new innovation into the community without first gaining the kiai's endorsement, they will be ignored. Since each kiai controls a clearly defined territory, it is to the advantage of anyone introducing innovation to know where those boundaries fall, and who is recognized as the authority in his locale (Mansurnoor 1990, 111, 240).
A kiai is a supernaturally empowered Muslim ulama, or a "magico-religious specialist" (Jordaan 1985, 161) similar to the pir of South Asia (Parshall 1983, 84). The importance of the kiai's magical aura should not be underestimated. They have virtually inherited the role of the prophet (Abdurachman 1978, 42). Up to fourteen varieties of Madurese magico-medical specialists can be discerned, with the kiais at the pinnacle of the groupings in terms of magical power (Jordaan 1985, 162-63). Many ulamas aspire to become a kiai, but most are frustrated because they cannot achieve the goal through learning more about Islam. The only path is by displaying, or gaining a reputation for displaying, spiritual power. To most Madurese, without this power, evident in concrete demonstrations such as healings, curses, or the amassing of great wealth, no one can become a kiai. One Madurese explained the ranking concept to a foreign anthropologist as the difference between a titled professor and his teaching assistant. The ulama, even a very knowledgeable one, is a mere teaching assistant to the kiai. This is striking in light of the fact that orthodox Islam would normally recognize no spiritual authority higher than the ulamas.
One factor strengthening the preeminence of the kiais is their relative wealth. Madurese laymen have a saying which says, "While we all seek money, money seeks the kyai" (Mansurnoor 1990, 254). Often they hold relatively vast lands and control extensive businesses, run through their pondok pesantren (traditional Muslim monasteries).
The Madurese kiais deliberately set up patron-client relationships with their followers. In teaching style, the kiais arrange things in such a way that their disciples are kept dependent on them not only for their physical needs but also for accurate instruction (Mansurnoor 1990, 89-90, 325). His disciples are: both subordinate to and needed by the kyai. . . . As a result, the kyai has to be careful in exercising his dominant position. He continuously reckons the balance, cultivates and renews the indebtedness of the santris [disciples] by making investments and creating dependency. (Mansurnoor 1990, 92)
Consequently, the masses of Madurese are not accustomed to exercising creative initiative, but rather view themselves as dependent upon and protected by a few very choleric personalities.
Yet, it would be wrong to view the kiai as being completely free to choose as they wish. They too are "entangled in a web of diverse ties, including kinship . . . they cannot conveniently free themselves from such primordial attachments" (Mansurnoor 1990, 313). Their attachment to the larger ulama network discourages them from making "unorthodox moves" (Mansurnoor 1990, 318).
[edit] Devotion to Islam and Folk Islam Practices
A common saying in Indonesia is that "Islam has become part of the flesh and blood of the Madurese." Indeed, nearly everyone sees Islam to be part and parcel with Madurese identity. On my first visit to Madura I interviewed a renowned cultural observer, Edhi Setiawan. He, a nominal Catholic Chinese-Madurese, informed me that he had only ever heard of three non-Muslim Madurese (Setiawan 1990). Since then I have seen indications that there may be a few hundred Madurese believers, but the perception persists nearly everywhere that 100 percent of all Madurese are fanatic Muslims.
Two observations will serve to highlight how Islam has influenced the culture. On the homeland island of Madura, in 1974 the number of traditional Muslim Quranic schools (madrasah and pondok pesantren) outnumbered all other elementary and secondary schools by more than thirteen to one (Jordaan 1985, 39-40). Indeed, the Indonesian government has experienced continual frustration in trying to motivate Madurese to register for public school.
A second indicator of Islamic and Arabic influence is the striking absence of certain expressions in the Madurese language because they have been completely supplanted by equivalent Arabic phrases. I have studied Madurese with a very knowledgeable Madurese gentleman of royal descent. When I asked him what was the Madurese greeting for "Hello," he replied, "Assalamalaikum." After repeating my question and emphasizing that I desired to know the Madurese expression rather than the Arabic form, he displayed confusion. Finally, I asked him how Madurese greeted one another before Islam entered Madura. For the first time in our relationship, he admitted that he did not know the answer to my question. The Madurese language expression seems to have been lost in antiquity. Where it is quite easy to identify pre-Islamic Javanese and Sundanese cultural elements in nearby regions, one has to dig deeper to discern what features of Madurese culture are truly indigenous rather than mere imitations of Arabic or perceived Arabic ways.
Arab influence has not just come from historical influences. Connections to the Middle East still shape the Madurese. Many kiais have studied in Saudi Arabia for years. Some kiais are said to make trips to Saudi Arabia as if it were just like crossing over to Java--which is only a few minutes from Madura. In fact, Warta Ekonomi (Economic News) reported on May 27, 1991, some fly to Al Azhar each month as guest lecturers).
Nevertheless, the Madurese are renowned for their deep involvement in magic, mysticism, and even sorcery. Jordaan has conducted research in two Madurese villages and concluded that no broken bone is set, nor is any baby born without the involvement of magic formula (Jordaan 1985). Their belief in a plethora of spirits is strong and they still widely practice meditation alone in order to acquire spiritual power (Jordaan 1985, 38, 150). This pragmatic effort is made in order to fill their felt needs apart from orthodox Islam (Hiebert 1989, 49). This mystical worldview even affects their time reckoning which dictates a broad range of activities and divinations at appointed times (Jordaan 1985, 127; Musk 1990, 148-152).
[edit] Revenge Killings, Clan Feuds, and Competitive Spirit
The Madurese come from a barren, hard land, and consequently are a hard people (Voice of Nature [Jakarta], 1989, 15). Their land is so unproductive that any significant adverse effect on agricultural production can easily cause famine. Indeed, during World War II and the Revolution against Dutch colonialism, while population growth on fertile Java slowed, the population on Madura dropped by 20 percent. They are no strangers to hardship and deprivation, and those who know them see their effects on the Madurese personality.
Without any question, the most commonly quoted proverb among the Madurese says, "Better white bones than white eyes" (Abdurachman 1978, 36). This means, "It is better to die than to let anyone get away with humiliating you." This attitude, along with their legendary quick tempers, leads to frequent violent conflict known as carok. Carok is the murder of an opponent with a Madurese sickle (similar in shape to that found on the flag of the former Soviet Union). Sometimes this is achieved through a surprise attack from behind when the victim least suspects danger. Often, though, it is performed in a formal, public duel.
Many Madurese cultural informants will insist that such killings are a thing of the past--a mere memory similar to Western saloon shoot-outs between cowboy gamblers. However, during my first four years in East Java I kept a newspaper-clipping file in an effort to prove such claims wrong. Before long the thickening file provided evidence sufficient to convince the most challenging skeptics. Some articles, for instance Jawa Pos (Surabaya) 13 July 1995, report mass caroks performed on the high seas between Madurese fighting over fishing territories. The clearest evidence is a statement by the Pamekasan county (or regency) police chief in an article in the 8 April 1994 edition of Jawa Pos (Surabaya). He states that in the previous three years his county had 188 reported cases of carok. That averages 1.2 cases per week in just one of the four counties on Madura, and this includes only the reported cases in one of Madura's safer counties.
The perpetrator of carok often achieves hero status. More often than not he, with a blood covered sickle in hand and surrounded by his admiring relatives, will immediately walk to the police station and turn himself in. Occasionally, after being convicted in a court of law, the local authorities will allow his family to organize a festive procession leading him from the police jail to prison. There a family picnic is held in front of the prison gates, praising him for defending the family's honor. At the end of the party he says his farewells and goes behind prison walls to face his sentence.
This violence-prone Madurese character is in stark contrast to their relatively passive, "hold everything inside" Javanese neighbors (Abdurachman 1978, 27). Thus they tend to be despised and feared by the Javanese. Echoing these feelings a Dutch magazine says:
The Madurese and his blade are one; his hand is always ready to rob and stab. He has been trained to use all kinds of weapons, but he is most proficient with his knife. . . . Without it he is incomplete, only half a man, a wild man tamed. (De Gids 1983, 146-8/9: 654-63)
Often the Madurese are characterized with terms such as "touchiness, suspicion, temperament, a hot temper, fierceness, vengeful, combativeness and violence" (de Jonge 1991, 8).
These violent incidents may be celebrated by the murderer, but are not forgotten by the victim's family. It is not unusual for a family to preserve the blood stained clothes of their loved one lost in carok, and to take it out of the closet from time to time. This is to remind their children that there is an outstanding debt of revenge to be paid once their generation grows up. This leads to "Hatfield and McCoy" style feuds lasting for many generations.
The Madurese propensity for murder, prompted by adultery, failure to pay debts, or character defamation, has caused some to call Madura the Sicily of Java (Touwen-Bouwsma 1989, 170-79).
Undoubtedly a contributing factor to the Madurese male character is Pak Sakerah--a legendary culture hero and subject of open-air theater plays. After a career of boldly fighting dishonesty and justice he faces hanging. His last words are a shouted challenge: "Damn the government! Yes, I am about to die. But when one Sakerah dies, there will rise up 1,000 more Sakerahs!" (Abdurachman 1978, 35). Taken together with Islam's traditions allowing violence (Parshall 1994, 111; Farah 1970, 158-59; Gibb and Kramers 1974, s.v. "djihad") and the fact that Islam legislates how to conduct war (Nasr 1975, 30-31), the Madurese see little need to change their defiant, violent ways.
A second major indicator of Madurese character is their famous bull races or karapan sapi. One repeatedly hears and reads that to comprehend the Madurese, one must witness a bull race (de Jonge 1991, 9). These fever-pitched contests, where pairs of yoked bulls race along at near-racehorse-speed while sizeable sums of money trade hands, display a very un-Indonesian trait--competitiveness.
Another significant Madurese character trait that stands in bold contrast to surrounding Indonesian groups is their individualism within a family structure. The Javanese build their houses closely packed together in crowded villages and walk long distances to their fields. It is not so with the Madurese. They build rather uniform family compounds separated some distance from the nearest neighbors. Thereby they live closer to their fields, not being as concerned as the Javanese about their security. Compared to surrounding ethnic groups, "individuals are proud of egalitarianism and self-reliance" in Madurese villages (Mansurnoor 1990, 92). It is puzzling why the Madurese are generally despised by Westerners in light of their "self-reliance, independence or individualism" (de Jonge 1991, 7).
These strong character traits, standing in such stark contrast to the much larger Javanese group living adjacent to them, have allowed the Madurese to have an effect on Indonesian politics disproportionate to their numbers. Three examples illustrate this.
By 1992 Muslims across Indonesia had been protesting the state lottery program for years, but high-ranking government officials were getting very rich off of the program, so the protests were ignored. Then, near the end of that year, Madurese mobs rioted in the town of Bangkalan protesting the lottery. Within a few days similar protests and riots swept the country, and the government was compelled to close the lottery.
Again, during the Soeharto regime the president's cronies made a widespread habit of taking massive pieces of land from villagers, at below market value, and turning them into golf courses or reservoirs. The Javanese villagers became extremely bitter, but rarely took concrete action against the government. Then, in 1993 a knife-wielding band of Madurese so threatened a government survey team at Nipah that police felt compelled to fire on them and kill several villagers. The government began to think twice about continuing their policy.
In yet other widespread cases, Indonesian laborers had lived and worked on plantation lands since colonial days. They thought that they should have some ownership in the lands their ancestors had worked for generations. The government, abiding by former Dutch policy, disagreed and declared that they could be put off those lands whenever the government wished. Then in 1995 Madurese workers at Jenggawah burned up several warehouses full of tobacco about to be exported to Germany. They made their point and the government began to soften their position. Repeatedly the brave Madurese have, due to their fiery temperaments, achieved results which the Javanese, who outnumber them almost six to one, have found elusive (Jawa Pos [Surabaya] 15 September 1995).
[edit] Intermarriage, Clans, and Housing Patterns
Like their Arab models (Musk 1995, 48), the Madurese prefer to marry their close kin (Mansurnoor 1990, 84), preferably their first cousins. Recognizing that marriage ties two families together and may distribute hard-won wealth outside the clan, they would rather "gather bones," in other words, keep everything together within the same family. In this way there are few surprises about the new in-laws, and all property is preserved within the family.
These marriage patterns lead to very tightly knit family networks and an inward looking view that the family is an ultimate value (Parshall 1985, 178). Visitors are often amazed at their ability to keep track of their relationship to distant relatives. Often this does not mean being able to specifically identify the exact term for the relationship (Niehof 1978, 8); due to intermarriage most cousins qualify as relatives in more than one way. But they know who their relatives are, however distant. In my fieldwork I have attended weddings with over four hundred people in attendance and been told, "There are no visitors here--not even one. They are all relatives." Others above have compared Madura's clan violence to that of Sicily. I have been struck by the similarity between Madurese clans and Barzini's description of the southern Italian family:
It is a safe refuge, a bulwark against the hostile environment, a lifeboat in the storms and possible shipwrecks of life, an insurance company, an employment agency. . . . The head of the family . . . must cultivate all forms of power. . . . He must artfully acquire allies, friends, accomplices, and protectors, with favors, services rendered, gifts, or flattery, and suitable marriages. (Barzini 1987, 180)
Among the Madurese the family is also a birthing clinic, a matchmaking service and a funeral home--a true cradle to grave universal service provider. Indeed, the family head has his hands full trying to balance diverse responsibilities and conflicting interests.
Nevertheless, any sustained exposure to the Madurese reveals that the clan network is more often than not shot through with division, intrigue, deception and, at times, mutual treachery. With many Madurese being extremely poor, social envy pulls at the fabric of their families. "Their margins are just too narrow to tolerate any infringement or threat to that [economic] position" (de Jonge 1985, 25). Their disposition often reveals a near universal distrust and discontent (Jordaan 1985, 7, 35).
In light of this, newcomers are often surprised to learn that the Madurese traditionally follow matrilocal housing patterns. After a wedding, the groom normally moves in with his in-laws for at least the first several years of marriage. Experience among the Sundanese of West Java has shown that this housing pattern can play a vital role in helping to disseminate a new message among a populace. Draftstone [pseudonym] relates that Sundanese men never quite feel at home in their wife's village. One village headman has been referred to as a newcomer even though he has lived in the village for over forty years. Because they are not at home there, they constantly travel around to other villages where their male friends live. Because they maintain networks of close friends in several villages, Sundanese men who have trusted Isa Al Masih have naturally become key agents in spreading the Injil (Draftstone [Pseudonym] 1991a). The same result could soon be seen among the Madurese.
[edit] Migration Patterns
Due to its lack of rainfall and infertile land, producing only half the rice yield of neighboring Java, Madura cannot adequately support its population. Madura is one of the poorest regions in Indonesia with per capita income at less than a third of the national average (de Jonge 1989, 37, 43). In order to find better work and living conditions, the Madurese have migrated en mass to neighboring Java and other islands. Another reason for their migrations may be found in a Madurese proverb which speaks of the danger of staying in small places, "Inside a coconut shell, one's voice is one's own enemy" (Voice of Nature 1989, 18). Mass migrations started when the Dutch opened massive plantations on Java and sought cheap labor. Most moved directly south and were more likely to be familiar with areas of Java south of their home village than with areas immediately east or west of their homes on Madura (de Jonge 1989, 24, 31-33).
After living for a while on Java and becoming aware of different cultures and world-views, most Madurese migrants become more open to new ideas. For this reason it seems that Madurese on Java are generally more open to the Injil than are those still living on Madura.
Madurese migrants tend to stay in jobs in which their clan specializes and this is normally determined regionally. As with many of the overseas Chinese, one can tell what region they come from by noting their occupation. Many Madurese migrants become roving sellers. Almost invariably fish and beef sellers originate from the island's western half; those selling fruit or cigarettes hail from Pamekasan in the eastern half. I have almost never seen an exception to this pattern. This may have implications for those targeting specific areas of the island, as those who sell in Java often travel back to the homeland, with the result that there is a continual transfer of ideas through migrants returning home. "They are highly mobile and have very strong commercial instincts" (Jawa Pos [Surabaya] 13 September 1994). Indeed, every day several unregistered buses carry full loads of Madurese between cities on Java and the various counties on Madura Island.
[edit] Employment Patterns
Any listing of typical employment for an ethnic group can easily fall into stereotyping. Nevertheless, the Madurese often do follow certain patterns. A large number of Madurese are employed as cattlemen. On Madura there is one cow for every four people, five times as many cattle as the entire province of West Java (de Jonge 1989, 40). They also are strongly represented as fishermen, seafarers (usually using traditional sailing vessels), as well as salt, tobacco, and fruit farmers. Those who migrate off the island often become unskilled laborers, pedicab drivers, parking attendants, barbers, meat and fruit sellers. Due to their willingness to take low level jobs shunned by other groups, they are often the subjects of insults and jokes. Because of this they often go through life with a fierce inferiority complex. This may lead them to ever bolder and bolder behavior to compensate for low self-esteem. However, it can also work in the favor of the outsider. Generally, when Madurese determine that an outsider truly respects them and their culture, they become quick and loyal friends. Many Chinese businessmen in Surabaya have escaped nationwide anti-Chinese riots because they have co-opted Madurese thugs to protect their stores (Oetomo 1991, 8-9).
Despite the stereotypes about the Madurese being poor and ignorant, it is increasingly evident that universities are filling up with ever increasing numbers of Madurese--something the Javanese find hard to believe. In the past few years at least two Madurese have become valedictorians at major universities in Malang. It seems that the Madurese are beginning to use the same strategy formerly employed by the despised Scots in order to gain respect from their English neighbors. They emphasized education and, with French help, established the Universities of Aberdeen and Edinburgh as rivals of Oxford and Cambridge. Apparently in order to compensate for the cruel teasing they have had to endure from the Javanese, Madurese are now beginning to flock to higher education to gain equal respect. Some have succeeded spectacularly. A recent Minister of Education and an Army Chief of Staff were both Madurese. With this growing interest in modernity, one wonders how long it will be before upper-class Madurese youth begin to have their values determined more by Hollywood than by Islam (Hitching 1996, 42). Yet this emerging class of elite, modern Madurese represents no more than the tip of the iceberg in which most Madurese live in dire poverty, even by Indonesian standards.
[edit] REFERENCE LIST
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van Dijk, Kees, Huub de Jonge, and Elly Touwen-Bouwsma. 1995. Across Madura strait: The dynamics of an insular society. Leiden: KITLV Press.
--Michael A. Kilgore 19:18, 11 April 2007 (MDT)
